AFRICAN STANDBY FORCE: PROSPECTS FOR REGIONAL SECURITY
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND ………………………………………………… 1-9
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM…………………………… 9-12
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY……………………………... 12-13
1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS………………………………….. 13-17
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY……………………………… 14
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY…………………………………………. 15
1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY………………………………….. 15
1.8 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY………………………….…. 17
1.9 ASSUMPTIONS…………………………………………………….… 17
1.10 CONCEPTUAL DEFINITIONS…………………………………… 18-27
REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………. 28-32
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 CONFLICT AND CONFLICT MANAGEMENT…………………… 33-35
2.2 COLLECTIVE AND REGIONAL SECURITY………………………… 36-38
2.3 STANDBY FORCES AND THE AFRICAN STANDBY FORCE… 38-42
2.4 SUMMARY………………………………………………………………….. 42-43
REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………… 44-47
CHAPTER THREE
SECURITY CHALLENGES FACING THE AFRICAN UNION
3.1 RESPONDENT PROFILE……………..…………………………………. 48-51
3.2 SECURITY CHALLENGES CONFRONTING THE AFRICAN UNION……………………………………………………………………………….. 51-57
3.3 HOW THE ASF CAN HELP COMBAT SECURITY CHALLENGES FACING THE AFRICAN UNION……………………. 57-58
3.4 PROGRESS MADE SO FAR IN ESTABLISHING THE AFRICAN STANDBY FORCE………………………….………………………. 58-65
3.5 DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS……………….……….………… 66-73
CHAPTER FOUR
AFRICAN STANDBY FORCE: THE WAY FORWARD
4.1 ADMINISTRATIVE AND LOGISTICS FACTORS………….……. 74-79
4.2 OPERATIONAL FACTORS…………………………………………….. 79-80
SUMMARY……………………….………………………………………………… 81
REFERENCES…………………………………………………..………………… 82-83
CHAPTER FIVE
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 CONCLUSION……………………………………………………………. 84-85
5.2 RECOMMENDATIONS………………………………………………… 86-87
BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………… 88-95
APPENDIX I……………………………………………………………………….. 96-97
APPENDIX II…………………………………………….………………………… 98-100
APPENDIX III……………………………………………………………………... 101-103
APPENDIX IV…………………………………………….……………………..…. 104
ABSTRACT
1. This research was carried out to analyse the concept of the African Standby Force (ASF) and its prospects for regional security on the African continent. Series of conflicts in Africa and their attendant problems have killed millions, destroyed property and hindered Africa’s growth. If African countries are to achieve any meaningful development, they must be relatively crises free. However, responsibility for security in Africa is devolving to African states and sub-regional organizations.
2. Several conflicts on the continent have shown that the UN and the developed countries are slow to react to conflicts in Africa, especially where their national interests are not affected. Thus Africa can no longer fold its arms and watch from the sidelines while conflicts continue to ravage the continent. Moreover, Africa is the major loser from such conflicts. The need to find an African solution to African problems thus gave birth to the ASF.
3. The ASF is a system whereby troops are kept ready for rapid deployment to conflict areas. The establishment of the ASF reaffirmed the determination and commitment of African leaders to handle African problems themselves. The very existence of the ASF and the knowledge that it would be effectively used would serve as deterrence to would-be trouble makers across the continent. Furthermore, the ASF would greatly reduce the response time for international intervention in conflict situations. This is necessary to ‘nip conflicts in the bud’ and prevent further bloodshed and suffering.
4. The descriptive research method was used for the study. The study examines the security challenges confronting the AU and how the ASF can help combat these challenges. The study also examines the progress so far made in establishing the ASF and strategies to fully operationalise the ASF.
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND
Security can be construed in terms of the ability of individual citizens to live in peace with access to basic necessities of life, at the same time participating fully in societal affairs in freedom and enjoying all fundamental human rights (The Kampala Document: Towards a Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa). Security is indisputably a first order value for all mankind. McNamara offered a broad definition of security when he stated that ‘security means development’ (McNamara, 1968:149). Security can therefore be conceptualised as a precursor to development and although not entirely dependent on military activity, it is tightly intertwined with it and cannot exist without it. According to Imobighe, ‘the amount of security a nation enjoys is a reflection of its defence system’ (Imobigbe, 2003:170). Similarly, Lippmann posits that ‘a nation has security when it does not have to sacrifice its legitimate national interests to avoid war and is able, if challenged to, to maintain them by war’ (Baylis, 2001:255). This implies that military security is important and indeed forms the bedrock on which all other forms of security rest.
Africa’s security problems can be traced to the era of slave cartelization when European slave merchants freely terrorized the continent. This was closely followed by colonization wherein the indigenous defence systems were removed to emplace imperialism. Since then, Africa has become an exporter of raw materials and cheap labour and an importer of finished goods. This exploitation continued until the outbreak of World War II (WWII) in 1939. The end of WWII in 1945 saw the emergence of two superpowers, the United States of America (USA) and the United Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR). The subsequent Cold War which ensued between these superpowers lasted from 1945-1990. Within this period, the superpowers fought by proxy, with many African countries as pawns in their power struggle. Dictatorships, overtly or covertly supported by one or the other superpower, usurped power through coups d’etat and maintained repressive regimes. This inevitably led to counter coups, usually supported by the opposing superpower.
The resultant vicious circle of dictatorships, sit-tight rulers, coups and counter coups, coupled with illiteracy, absence of infrastructure and fueled by ethnic sentiments, rendered Africa underdeveloped and crises prone. Intra-state conflicts erupted in Angola, Burundi, Congo, Liberia, Mozambique and Namibia. They also erupted in Rwanda, Somalia, Sierra Leone, Uganda, Cote d’Ivoire and Sudan. These conflicts militated against development and harmonious relationship among African countries. The human and material casualties recorded in these conflicts are calamitous. The resultant effects of these crises in Africa are disease, refugee problems, human rights abuses, stagnation in development and poverty.
The International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) London reported that in 1999 alone, over half of the world’s armed conflicts were in sub - Saharan Africa (Jonathan, 2005:15). In another report, Clare and Straw, argued that over the past 20 years, Africa has lost over 50 per cent of its infrastructure, many of the losses due to conflicts (Clare Short and Jack Straw).
While the potential for inter-state disputes has not diminished, the last 10 years have seen the appearance of complex new risks to peace and stability, including oppression, ethnic conflict, economic distress, the collapse of political order, the proliferation of small arms and organised international crime. When crises arise, they increasingly involve many factions and contain conflict elements which may be inter and intra and/or transnational in nature and involve the cross border movement of refugees, internally displaced persons (IDPs), migrants and widespread human rights abuses.
Such intra state conflicts and transnational activities are generally perpetrated by sub state actors or ‘war lords’, non-state actors, militias, criminal elements and ar
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